Friday, August 14, 2026

Kingston 2022–2026: What Did We Spend, and What Results Can We Measure?

 


A Factual Pre-Election Report Card for Kingston, Ontario Canada Voters

Before Kingston voters compare what candidates for mayor are promising for the next four years, perhaps there is an even more fundamental question to ask:

What actually happened during the last four?

What happened to property taxes?

How much did municipal spending increase?

Did Kingston build more housing?

Did housing become more affordable?

Did homelessness decline?

How much public money was spent addressing homelessness—and who actually supplied that money?

Did investment in roads and infrastructure keep pace with deterioration?

Did transit recover?

Did municipal efforts to recruit family doctors produce measurable results?

And when major projects were announced, were they actually completed?

These are not questions about political personalities.

They are questions about results and responsibility.

This report does not endorse or oppose Mayor Bryan Paterson, any individual councillor, or any candidate seeking office in 2026.

Nor should every City-wide result automatically be credited to—or blamed upon—one elected official.

Council acts collectively. Professional staff administer programs. Police and other boards have separate responsibilities. Housing and homelessness involve the County of Frontenac, non-profit organizations, private developers, Ontario and Ottawa. Healthcare is principally a provincial responsibility.

Our purpose is narrower:

Establish what can be verified about Kingston's record during the present municipal term; identify the public resources committed; compare those inputs with measurable outcomes wherever possible; disclose where information remains incomplete; and leave the judgment to Kingston voters.


First: What Period Are We Actually Measuring?

Kingston's next municipal election will be held Monday, October 26, 2026. Ontario municipal council terms run for four years; the present Ontario council term began November 15, 2022 and ends November 14, 2026, while the newly elected 2026 council term will run from November 15, 2026 through November 14, 2030.

That creates two important accounting rules.

2022 is primarily our baseline.

Most of calendar 2022 occurred before the current Council took office.

We therefore should not attribute the 2022 municipal budget or most 2022 outcomes to the Council elected that October.

The first full annual operating budget adopted during the present Council term was the 2023 budget, approved March 21, 2023 at $429,374,207 for the General Municipal tax-supported operating budget.

2026 is not yet complete.

This report is being prepared on August 14, 2026.

The present Council remains in office until November 14, and full-year 2026 audited results obviously cannot exist before voters cast their ballots on October 26. Therefore, wherever this report refers to 2026, those figures are identified as approved budgets, current rates, project status or latest available results—not final year-end outcomes.

This is properly a pre-election report card, not a final post-term audit.


Spending Is Not the Same as Results

Before looking at individual issues, another distinction is essential.

If Council allocates $10 million to housing, that is an input.

If homes are built and occupied, that is an output.

If housing becomes more available or affordable as a result, that is an outcome.

Likewise:

A motion passed is not necessarily a project completed.

Money budgeted is not necessarily money actually spent.

A housing permit is not a completed home.

A shelter bed is not permanent housing.

A project approved is not a project delivered.

And provincial or federal money administered through City Hall is not automatically money paid by Kingston property taxpayers.

Throughout this report, we attempt to keep those distinctions clear.


Property Taxes: What Did the Same House Experience?

Annual headline tax increases can be difficult to compare because different years may present municipal, capital and external-agency components differently.

There is a more tangible approach:

Hold the assessment of the same house constant and apply Kingston's actual final residential tax rates.

Kingston has different fire-service tax rates in its Central, West and East areas. The published 2024 residential total rates were 0.01478321 Central, 0.01401663 West and 0.01365320 East. In 2025 they became 0.01551784, 0.01477511 and 0.01437088 respectively; in 2026 they are 0.01605435, 0.01533257 and 0.01491279. These totals incorporate the applicable municipal, fire, garbage and education components for the residential category; garbage is not levied on condominiums.

Using an unchanged assessment of $328,099 solely as a comparison:

Same $328,099 Assessment202420252026Change 2024–2026
Central~$4,850~$5,091~$5,267+$417 / 8.6%
West~$4,599~$4,848~$5,031+$432 / 9.4%
East~$4,480~$4,715~$4,893+$413 / 9.2%

This is not intended to represent every Kingston homeowner's actual bill.

It deliberately freezes the property's assessed value so that we can see what changing tax rates alone would do.

For 2026, the City's headline tax increase is 3.75%, consisting of 1.35% municipal tax-rate increase, 1% for capital purposes and 1.4% for external agencies.

That distinction also matters.

There is only one taxpayer writing the cheque, but not every portion of that cheque is controlled in exactly the same way by the mayor and Council.

So the relevant 2026 election question is not merely:

Did property taxes increase?

They did.

The better question for every candidate is:

What annual property-tax increase do you consider sustainable during 2027–2030, and under what circumstances would you exceed it?


Municipal Spending: A Larger Operating Budget

The first full tax-supported operating budget of the present Council term was $429.37 million in 2023.

For 2026, the City's municipal operating budget is $530.4 million, accompanied by a $135.8-million capital budget. The 2026 capital program includes $75 million for transportation and related infrastructure and $10 million for affordable and supportive housing.

That represents a substantial increase in nominal operating dollars during the term.

It does not by itself prove either waste or good management.

Inflation affects wages, construction, fuel, equipment and contracts. Population and service demands change. External agencies create costs. New services may be added.

The proper question is therefore:

As the amount of money being spent increased, what measurable improvements did residents receive?

That is the test we apply throughout this report.


Housing: Kingston Built More

Housing is one area where the evidence establishes substantial physical activity.

In January 2024, the federal government awarded Kingston $27.6 million through the Housing Accelerator Fund. Kingston's plan contains nine initiatives, and the federal agreement was intended to fast-track approximately 890 additional housing units over three years.

Ontario subsequently reported that Kingston broke ground on 966 homes in 2024, equal to 145% of its provincially assigned annual target.

In 2025, Kingston recorded another 1,011 housing starts, exceeding that year's provincial target by 26%.

These are housing starts.

They should not be confused with:

permits issued,

projects approved,

or

homes ultimately occupied.

Nevertheless, they demonstrate substantial housing construction activity.


Affordable Housing: Keep the Categories Separate

Another important lesson from reviewing Kingston's housing record is that governments often report several different housing categories together.

We should not.

There is an important difference between:

permanent affordable housing,

supportive housing,

transitional accommodation,

residential treatment beds,

and

emergency shelter beds.

All can serve legitimate purposes.

They are not interchangeable.

Kingston's affordable-housing programs include municipal capital assistance to private and non-profit housing providers in exchange for long-term affordability commitments. The City says the minimum affordability period under its capital investment program is 20 years.

The 2026 budget also includes the previously noted $10 million for affordable and supportive housing.

The proper accountability question is therefore not merely:

How many housing spaces did government announce?

It is:

How many permanent affordable homes were actually completed and occupied, how many supportive or transitional spaces were delivered, and what did each category cost?


More Housing Does Not Automatically Mean Affordable Housing

Kingston's housing-start numbers demonstrate increased supply.

That is important.

But increased supply does not, by itself, establish that ordinary families, young people, seniors or lower-income residents can afford the resulting rents or purchase prices.

The City itself distinguishes government-supported affordable units from ordinary private-market rental housing; its affordable-housing program defines qualifying units through below-market rents and long-term affordability agreements.

That means every candidate promising “affordable” or “attainable” housing should eventually answer:

Affordable at what monthly rent?

Affordable at what purchase price?

Affordable to what household income?

And how many such homes will actually exist by 2030?

Otherwise the word “affordable” can mean almost anything.


Homelessness: Better Measurement, But the Problem Remains Large

Homelessness is perhaps the clearest test of the difference between government activity and government outcome.

Kingston's By-Name List is a continuously updated list of known individuals experiencing homelessness. The City's open-data description makes clear that it is a monthly measure of known individuals, rather than a one-day census of every homeless person in the community.

By early 2026, community reporting based on the local By-Name List identified approximately 572 individuals experiencing homelessness.

There is an important qualification.

Kingston has substantially improved the quality of its homelessness data. In April 2026, the Canadian Alliance to End Homelessness recognized Kingston for achieving Quality By-Name Data 4.0 and meeting federal Coordinated Access requirements. Better identification and tracking can itself cause more people to become visible in the data.

So we should not claim that every increase in the By-Name List represents an equivalent number of newly homeless people.

But neither should we obscure the central outcome:

Hundreds of known individuals continue to experience homelessness in Kingston and the surrounding service area despite substantial expansion of services and public spending.

The next Council therefore inherits an unresolved problem.


What Has Homelessness Cost?

This is one area where a large headline total could easily mislead voters.

Kingston is the local housing and homelessness service manager, but money comes from several places:

Kingston municipal funds

Frontenac County recovery

Ontario

Ottawa

and sometimes other sources.

The spending also includes fundamentally different items:

annual shelter operations

property acquisition

building renovation

supportive housing

transitional housing

and broader affordable-housing investments.

One of the clearest examples comes from the City's published shelter funding.

For the 2025 shelter system, the City identifies:

  • $1,482,562 in municipal funding, including Frontenac County recovery

  • $3,408,416 from Ontario's Homelessness Prevention Program.

That is approximately $4.89 million in shelter funding.

But it would be wrong to write:

“Kingston taxpayers spent $4.89 million.”

A substantial majority of that particular funding came from Ontario.

That distinction is essential.


A Better Homelessness-Funding Table

The public record allows us to classify the money more carefully:

Expense/FundingSourceHow It Should Be Reported
Shelter operating fundingKingston/Frontenac + OntarioSeparate municipal/County and provincial portions
Provincial Homelessness Prevention ProgramOntarioNot Kingston property-tax money
Federal Housing Accelerator / related federal programsCanadaNot Kingston property-tax money
Property purchasesCapital expenditureSeparate from annual shelter operations
Renovations/constructionCapital expenditureSeparate from operations
Supportive housingHousing programSeparate from emergency shelters
Transitional housingTemporary housing programSeparate from permanent affordable housing
Affordable housingHousing capital/program spendingNot automatically homelessness-only spending

That may seem like accounting detail.

It is actually fundamental to an honest discussion about taxpayers' money.

We should follow three rules:

Do not count the same provincial or federal dollar twice.

Do not call senior-government funding Kingston municipal-tax spending.

Do not treat the purchase of a capital asset as though it were simply an annual operating expense.

For those reasons, I do not recommend publishing one supposedly precise four-year “cost of homelessness” number unless the City produces a reconciled ledger that eliminates overlaps among these categories.


The Real Homelessness Question Is About Results

Once funding is properly separated, the more important question remains:

What changed?

If public spending increased:

How many people entered permanent housing?

How many remained housed six or twelve months later?

How many individuals moved through shelters and transitional housing?

How many remained chronically homeless?

How many returned to homelessness?

Those should ultimately become the outcome measures.

The existence of another shelter is an input.

A person permanently leaving homelessness is the outcome.

That is what the next mayor and Council should be required to measure publicly.


Roads: The $35-Million Commitment

The City's 2023–2026 Strategic Plan included a particularly useful promise because it attached a dollar amount:

Invest an additional $35 million over four years to repair roads in poor condition.

The 2024 capital budget expressly identifies $8 million of that $35-million commitment as part of approximately $30 million invested that year in roads, bridges and stormwater.

The 2026 capital budget contains $75 million for transportation and related infrastructure, but that broader total includes considerably more than the special road-repair initiative.

This is one place where the public record we reviewed does not give us a clean year-by-year reconciliation of the special $35 million.

We therefore should not state either:

“The entire $35 million was spent.”

or

“Council failed to spend the $35 million.”

We cannot presently prove either proposition from one reconciled public table.

Verification Note

Council committed to invest an additional $35 million over four years to repair roads in poor condition. Published budget material expressly identifies $8 million of that commitment in 2024, while later budgets contain substantial road and transportation investments. However, this review has not located a single public reconciliation showing exactly how much was budgeted and spent against the special $35-million commitment in each of 2023, 2024, 2025 and 2026. The final amount is therefore left unconfirmed rather than estimated.

That is a limitation in the evidence—not a political conclusion.


Infrastructure: The Bigger Problem Goes Far Beyond $35 Million

The larger infrastructure picture may be far more consequential.

Kingston's 2025 Asset Management Plan Updates and Financial Strategy puts the current capital replacement value of the assets covered by the analysis at approximately $8.3 billion. The analysis excludes Utilities Kingston's water, wastewater, natural-gas and water-heater assets.

The City's forecasted capital budget provides an average of approximately $78.7 million annually for asset renewal, compared with a target annual reinvestment benchmark of approximately $182.6 million. The City's analysis calculates that fully maintaining current service levels would require substantially more—about $282.1 million annually on average—and projects a $3.7-billion state-of-good-repair backlog by 2035 under the current forecasted-budget scenario.

The City's proposed alternative would increase average annual renewal investment to approximately $127.9 million, reducing—but not eliminating—the projected backlog.

These are forecasts, not bills due tomorrow.

But they reveal a fundamental reality facing the next Council:

Kingston cannot promise indefinitely to improve infrastructure, keep every existing service, avoid additional revenues, avoid debt and keep taxes low without confronting the arithmetic.

Choices will be necessary.

Taxes?

A larger infrastructure levy?

User fees?

Borrowing?

Development charges?

Senior-government grants?

Delayed replacement?

Reduced services elsewhere?

The City's own asset plan specifically recommends developing a long-term infrastructure financing strategy and discusses dedicated revenue tools including the existing 1% infrastructure levy.

This may ultimately be one of the most important issues in the 2026 election.


Transit: A Measurable Recovery, With Work Still to Do

Kingston Transit recorded 6.1 million annual riders in 2023. The City's Transit Service Review describes that as part of substantial long-term ridership growth.

That is a measurable outcome.

The City is nevertheless undertaking a comprehensive service review addressing frequency, boundaries, accessibility, availability, directness and reliability.

So the transit record should not be reduced either to:

“Transit succeeded.”

or

“Transit failed.”

The evidence supports a more useful conclusion:

Ridership recovered substantially, while service design, reliability and future expansion remain active issues.

The next step in accountability should be publication of consistent annual measures:

ridership

service hours

on-time performance

cancellations

fare revenue

municipal subsidy

and

cost per passenger trip.

Then residents can evaluate both usage and efficiency.


Physician Recruitment: An Example of What Accountability Can Look Like

Kingston's family-physician recruitment program is one of the clearest examples of public spending linked to measurable results.

As of June 2024, the City reported:

  • 17 new doctors recruited

  • continued care for 11,200 patients of retiring doctors

  • approximately 4,100 new patients accepted

  • and a total municipal investment of approximately $3 million.

People can legitimately debate whether municipalities should have to spend local tax dollars filling gaps in a healthcare system primarily controlled by Ontario.

But from an accountability perspective, this program provides what taxpayers should request elsewhere:

Money → Program → Result

How much did we spend?

What did government do?

How many people benefited?

Whether one agrees with the policy or not, the results can be evaluated.


Public Safety: Where the Evidence Is Incomplete, Say So

Public safety is important, but the available multi-year statistics require caution.

A cyber incident affecting Kingston Police disrupted portions of its information and statistical systems during the term, making simple full-year comparisons problematic.

The correct response is not to ignore public safety.

It is also not to manufacture a trend from periods that are not directly comparable.

So this Report Card should take the conservative position:

Police budgets and staffing can be evaluated, but no definitive four-year crime trend should be presented until a genuinely comparable reconstructed statistical series is available.

Sometimes “the data are insufficient” is the most responsible conclusion.


Major Projects: Announced, Started or Actually Completed?

One of the most useful distinctions voters can make is between:

announced

studied

approved

funded

under construction

and

completed.

Governments understandably discuss projects at every stage.

But voters should not confuse stages.


Confederation Basin Promenade

The Confederation Basin Promenade provides a particularly clear example.

The project remains in detailed design. The City currently says planning and design work will continue, with construction anticipated to begin in 2027. Its broader parks-project schedule currently lists an anticipated completion in 2028.

Status:

Not completed during the present Council term.

Planning/design continuing.

Construction and completion now extend into the next Council term.

This does not tell voters whether the project itself is good or bad.

It simply tells them where it actually stands.


Other Capital Projects Should Be Reported the Same Way

The principle should apply universally:

If the facility is open—say it is completed.

If construction is underway—say it is under construction.

If Council has only approved funding—say it is funded.

If staff are still designing it—say it is in design.

If an expected completion date changes—publish both the original and revised date.

That is much more useful than putting everything under the heading “delivered.”


Major-Project Accountability Could Be Much Simpler

The next Council could improve transparency considerably by publishing a single table for every major capital project:

Accountability ItemPublicly Report
Original approved budget$_____
Current approved budget$_____
Original completion date_____
Current completion date_____
Amount spent to date$_____
Current stageDesign / Procurement / Construction / Complete
Reason for major delay_____
Reason for major cost increase_____

Such a table would make it much easier for taxpayers to distinguish government activity from government delivery.


Leadership Continuity: A Fact Voters Can Judge for Themselves

One event during the current municipal term should also be recorded factually without attaching a political conclusion to it.

In 2025, Mayor Bryan Paterson took a leave of absence from City Council during the federal election campaign while seeking a seat in Parliament.

He subsequently returned to the mayor's office.

This Report Card does not characterize that decision as either right or wrong.

The fact simply creates a reasonable question that can be put equally to anyone seeking the office in 2026:

Will you commit, barring extraordinary circumstances, to serving the complete 2026–2030 term if elected mayor?

The voter can decide how important the answer is.


The Kingston 2022–2026 Record at a Glance

AreaWhat the Evidence Shows
Reporting periodCurrent Ontario municipal term runs Nov. 15, 2022–Nov. 14, 2026; 2026 data are therefore necessarily incomplete before Election Day
Property taxesOn the same frozen $328,099 assessment, published rates produce roughly an 8.6%–9.4% increase from 2024 to 2026 depending on fire area
Operating budget$429.37M in 2023 → $530.4M in 2026
2026 capital budget$135.8M
Housing supply966 housing starts in 2024; 1,011 in 2025
Federal housing support$27.6M Housing Accelerator Fund agreement
Affordable housingPublic investment and new units are being delivered, but permanent, supportive, transitional and shelter categories should be reported separately
HomelessnessApproximately 572 known individuals were recorded in early 2026; data quality has improved, but homelessness remains substantial
Shelter funding2025 shelter funding included ~$1.48M municipal/County and ~$3.41M Ontario HPP money
Road commitment$35M additional commitment exists; $8M is explicitly identified in 2024, but complete four-year reconciliation has not been located
Infrastructure~$8.3B asset base covered by 2025 analysis; forecast renewal funding remains well below identified long-term requirements
Transit6.1M annual riders in 2023; comprehensive service review underway
Physician recruitment$3M investment; 17 doctors recruited by June 2024; 11,200 retiring-doctor patients maintained and ~4,100 additional patients accepted
Public safetySpending can be assessed, but cyber-related statistical disruption limits clean four-year crime comparisons
Major projectsRecord includes projects completed or advanced, as well as projects such as Confederation Basin whose construction/completion moved beyond the current term

The table contains no grade.

No candidate ranking.

No political winner or loser.

It simply establishes a factual starting point.


What Can We Fairly Say?

Several conclusions appear well supported.

Kingston built more housing.

Housing starts were substantial and exceeded provincial annual targets in both 2024 and 2025.

Housing affordability remains a separate question.

A city can increase supply without automatically making every new home affordable to lower- or middle-income households. Kingston's own programs distinguish long-term affordable units from ordinary market housing.

Homelessness remains unresolved.

Kingston improved its data systems and continued investing in shelters and housing services, but hundreds of known individuals remain homeless.

Infrastructure presents a significant long-term financial challenge.

The City's own 2025 modelling identifies a large gap between forecast renewal spending and what would be required to maintain current service levels.

Transit usage recovered substantially.

The City's service review records 6.1 million annual riders in 2023, while also identifying the need for continued modernization of service standards.

Physician recruitment produced measurable results.

The City can identify the money invested, doctors recruited and patients served.

Some capital initiatives will extend beyond the current Council term.

Confederation Basin is one clear example, with construction now anticipated to begin in 2027 and completion shown in the City's project inventory for 2028.


What We Should Not Say

The evidence does not justify saying:

“Nothing was accomplished.”

That would ignore measurable housing construction, transit use, physician recruitment and other work.

Nor does it justify saying:

“Everything promised was delivered.”

That would ignore unresolved homelessness, long-term infrastructure pressures, incomplete commitments and projects moving beyond original timelines.

It would also be misleading to add every municipal, provincial and federal housing or homelessness dollar together and describe it as a Kingston property-tax cost.

And where data are incomplete, such as the precise year-by-year reconciliation of the special $35-million roads commitment, we should say exactly that.

Credibility comes partly from knowing when not to make a claim.


The Most Important Lesson: Spending Is Not the Result

Perhaps the strongest conclusion from this entire exercise is this:

Never ask only what government spent. Ask what changed because it spent it.

Kingston spent money on housing.

How many homes were actually produced?

Kingston and other governments spent money addressing homelessness.

How many people became permanently housed?

Kingston spent money recruiting physicians.

How many doctors arrived and how many patients gained care?

Kingston invests in roads and infrastructure.

What physical condition will taxpayers receive for that investment?

Kingston funds major projects.

Were they completed at the promised cost and by the promised date?

That is the difference between accounting for money and accounting for government.


Questions This Record Creates for Every Mayoral Candidate

This Report Card should not end the election discussion.

It should begin it.

Property Taxes

What maximum annual property-tax increase will you seek, and under what circumstances would you exceed it?

Spending

What new spending are you proposing, and what existing expenditures—if any—would you reduce to pay for it?

Infrastructure

Kingston's own asset analysis identifies a major long-term renewal funding gap. How will you finance it: taxation, a larger infrastructure levy, borrowing, user fees, development charges, senior-government grants, lower service levels, reductions elsewhere, or some combination?

Roads

Will you publish annually how much is spent on normal road maintenance and how much represents additional strategic road investment?

Housing

How many homes will your policies actually produce by 2030, and how many will meet a clearly defined affordability standard?

Homelessness

What measurable reduction in homelessness will you commit to achieving by 2030, what will it cost, and which government will finance each component?

Transit

What ridership, reliability, fare and municipal-subsidy targets will you establish?

Healthcare

Will the City continue physician incentives, and if so, how many doctors and newly attached patients should taxpayers expect for the money?

Major Projects

Will every major capital project publicly disclose original cost, current cost, original completion date, current completion date and amount spent?

Full-Term Commitment

If elected mayor, will you commit to serving the complete 2026–2030 municipal term except in extraordinary circumstances?

Accountability

Will you publish an annual report listing each campaign promise as completed, underway, delayed or unfulfilled, together with the money spent and measurable result?

Those questions should be put to every candidate.


Kingston's Record Is Not a Political Slogan

The evidence does not produce a convenient one-line judgment.

There are measurable accomplishments.

There are unresolved problems.

There are substantial expenditures.

There are programs where outcomes can be demonstrated.

There are other programs where activity is easier to measure than results.

There are completed projects.

There are projects carrying into the next term.

And there are areas where the public information remains incomplete.

That is the reality of governing a city.

The role of this Report Card is not to simplify that reality until it fits a political argument.

It is to present it as fairly as possible.


From the Record to the 2026 Election

This Report Card should now become the factual bridge between our individual candidate analyses and the final comparison of the four mayoral platforms.

The sequence matters.

First:

What happened during the present term?

Then:

What does each candidate propose to do next?

Then:

What will it cost?

Then:

Who pays?

Then:

When will it happen?

Then:

What measurable result should Kingston expect by 2030?

Only after voters have those answers does the political judgment properly begin.


The Responsibility Test

Democracy does more than give citizens an opportunity to cast a ballot.

It asks them to make a judgment about who should exercise public authority.

Kingston residents should not have to make that judgment on slogans alone.

Nor should commentators make the decision for them.

Voters deserve:

Facts.

Costs.

Results.

Timelines.

Unresolved problems.

And questions that require real answers.

The 2022–2026 record contains all of them.

Some measurable indicators improved.

Some serious problems remain unresolved.

Some public spending produced identifiable results.

In other areas, the relationship between money spent and results achieved is much less clear.

Some projects were delivered.

Others continue into the next term.

And in several areas, the public record itself could be easier for taxpayers to follow.

That is the factual starting point.

Now the people seeking Kingston's mayor's office should explain what they intend to do with the next four years.

Then the decision belongs exactly where it should:

With the voters of Kingston.


Research and Editorial Note — August 14, 2026

This is a pre-election report, not a final audited review of the complete 2022–2026 Council term. The current Ontario municipal term does not end until November 14, 2026, while Kingston voters go to the polls on October 26. Accordingly, 2022 is generally used as the starting baseline, 2023 as the first full budget year of the current Council, and 2026 figures are identified as approved budgets or the latest available information rather than final year-end results.

The analysis relies primarily on City of Kingston budgets, tax-rate schedules and bylaws, housing and homelessness material, asset-management reports, project information, Ontario housing-start data and other official public records.

Where figures measure different things—such as permits, housing starts, affordable homes, transitional spaces and shelter beds—they have been kept separate.

Where provincial or federal money flows through City-administered programs, it has not automatically been characterized as Kingston property-tax spending.

Where project timetables have changed, the change is identified without assuming that a delay was either justified or unjustified.

Where a figure could not be responsibly reconciled—most notably the full year-by-year accounting against the additional $35-million road-repair commitment—it has been identified as incomplete rather than estimated.

No mayor, councillor or candidate is endorsed, opposed, ranked or assigned personal responsibility for system-wide results in this Report Card. Its purpose is to give Kingston voters a factual baseline from which to evaluate the promises being made for 2026–2030.

Tuesday, August 11, 2026

Québec’s Language Tests and Its Stand on Gender: Identity, Survival, and Fairness

 

Growing up in Québec in the 1940s-60s, English-speaking students like myself were required to pass a French language exam to graduate. No certificate, no diploma, without demonstrating competence in the language of the majority. At the time, it felt less like an opportunity for bilingualism and more like a government-imposed barrier, rooted not in fairness but in cultural insecurity.

History Cannot Be Rewritten

Let us not forget: the French lost the wars. The Treaty of Paris in 1763 ceded New France to Britain. Sovereignty passed decisively to the English Crown. Yet, despite losing politically and militarily, Québec’s French-speaking population refused to fade away. They clung fiercely to their language, their religion, and their civil law system. That persistence is admirable, but it does not give license, centuries later, to impose compulsory French language requirements on English-speaking students whose families were loyal citizens of Canada.

The Nationalist Logic

Québec’s nationalist project argues otherwise. The recent Rapport sur la laïcité (2025) insists that French, alongside secularism and gender equality, forms the very foundation of Québec’s identity. To them, French is not simply a language; it is the nation’s safeguard. Rejecting Canadian multiculturalism, the report states that French as the common language — together with laïcité — is the “prerequisite for social cohesion.” In this framing, the mandatory French test was never about fairness, but about national survival.

A Binary Foundation of Equality

The same report also makes clear that equality in Québec is anchored in the binary of women and men. It recommends that the law be amended to spell this out explicitly: “l’égalité entre les femmes et les hommes.” By doing so, Québec draws a line against what many call “gender ideology creep.” While Canada embraces multiple self-declared identities — non-binary, gender-fluid, two-spirit — Québec’s laïcité affirms equality in the traditional sense: male and female, nothing more, nothing less.

This is more than semantics. It reflects Québec’s belief that true secularism protects women from patriarchal religious practices, not by multiplying categories, but by enforcing equality between the two sexes.

The Problem of Coercion

But here lies the contradiction: if French is strong enough to be the cornerstone of identity, why force it upon others through compulsion? True confidence in a culture comes from openness, not coercion. Compelling English-speaking students to pass a French test in the 1960s — and continuing to entrench similar requirements today — undermines the very values Québec claims to defend: freedom of conscience, equality, and fairness.

The same risk applies to gender: by fixing equality narrowly on men and women, Québec may appear unbending to broader currents of Western liberalism. Yet, unlike the language test, here the firmness sends a clear cultural message — Québec defines equality on its own terms.

Toward a Healthier Model

Bilingualism should be celebrated, not enforced. Québec could lead by encouraging young people to see French as an asset in a global world, not as a mandatory gatekeeper. Likewise, on equality, it could present its binary model not as exclusionary but as principled: an insistence that male and female both matter equally, without dilution.

Bottom Line: Whether in language or in gender, Québec has chosen to stand firm against accommodation and ideological drift. The challenge is ensuring that firmness does not become coercion. True cultural survival must inspire confidence, not resentment.

 https://nationalpost.com/opinion/anglo-quebecers-deserve-better-government


Sunday, July 26, 2026

Affordability: Biden's Full Term vs. Trump's Second Term to Date


What the Official Numbers Tell Voters About Inflation, Wages, and Purchasing Power

When Americans shop for groceries, fill their gas tanks, or pay the rent, they don't purchase political promises, they purchase necessities.

Every election cycle, politicians promise to make life more affordable. Supporters highlight successes, opponents emphasize failures, and media coverage often focuses on isolated statistics rather than the broader picture.

But affordability should not be measured by campaign speeches or political talking points.

It should be measured by objective economic data.

Fortunately, those measures already exist.

Every month, the U.S. Bureau of Labor Statistics (BLS) publishes the Consumer Price Index (CPI) and average hourly earnings—two of the most widely accepted indicators used by economists to evaluate inflation, wages, and household purchasing power.

The question therefore becomes straightforward:

How does Joe Biden's Democratic Party's full four-year administration compare with Donald Trump's Republican Party's second term so far, using exactly the same official measures?

Understanding Affordability

Affordability is not determined by the price of one product or one month's inflation report.

Instead, economists generally evaluate affordability using three fundamental measurements:

  • the annual rate of inflation,
  • the cumulative increase in consumer prices, and
  • whether wages are keeping pace with those prices.

When wages rise faster than inflation, purchasing power improves.

When inflation rises faster than wages, purchasing power declines.

Using those measures provides a far clearer picture than focusing on isolated headlines.

Inflation: Average Pace and Total Price Increases

The Bureau of Labor Statistics shows a clear difference between the two periods.

Metric

Biden (Jan. 2021–Jan. 2025)

Trump Second Term (Jan. 2025–June 2026)

Average annual inflation

4.95%

3.14%

Cumulative CPI increase

21.8%

5.0%

Highest 12-month inflation

9.1% (June 2022)

4.2% (May 2026)

Most recent 12-month inflation

2.9% (2024 average)

3.5% (June 2026)

During President Biden's four-year administration, consumer prices increased by approximately 22 percent overall.

During Donald Trump's second term to date, consumer prices have risen approximately 5 percent.

Equally important, the average annual inflation rate has been about 1.8 percentage points lower during the current administration than during Biden's full term.

Real Wages: The Measure That Matters Most

Inflation alone does not determine affordability.

The more meaningful question is whether workers' wages have kept pace with rising prices.

Using annualized averages from official BLS data:

Annualized Measure

Biden

Trump (to date)

Average wage growth

4.72%

3.50%

Average inflation

4.95%

3.14%

Purchasing power

−0.23%

+0.36%

Using these annualized comparisons, inflation slightly exceeded wage growth during the Biden administration, resulting in a modest decline in average purchasing power.

During Trump's second term so far, average wage growth has modestly exceeded average inflation, leaving purchasing power slightly ahead on an annualized basis

Everyday Household Essentials

Looking beyond the overall inflation rate reveals how everyday necessities have behaved relative to wages.

Category

Biden Average Annual Increase

Trump Average Annual Increase

Food at home

5.3%

2.7%

Shelter

5.6%

3.3%

Electricity

6.5%

4.0%

Apparel

2.9%

3.9%

Gasoline

10.2%

4.3%

New vehicles

4.8%

0.3%

Used vehicles

8.8%

–1.4%

Auto insurance & repairs

11.4%

2.4%

Several observations emerge.

Food inflation has slowed considerably.

Housing costs remain elevated but have moderated.

Vehicle prices have largely stabilized.

Auto insurance inflation has cooled dramatically.

Some categories, including clothing and electricity, continue to experience upward pressure, partly reflecting tariff changes and infrastructure costs.

Overall, however, a larger share of household necessities has been increasing more slowly relative to wage growth than during the previous administration.

Why Many Families Still Feel Financial Pressure

One important distinction is frequently overlooked in public debate.

Inflation measures how quickly prices are rising, not whether prices return to previous levels.

If inflation falls from 8 percent to 3 percent, prices are still increasing.

They are simply increasing more slowly.

Consequently, households continue to feel the effects of the significant price increases experienced during 2021 through 2023.

Lower inflation does not erase earlier increases.

It merely slows the pace of future increases.

Understanding this distinction helps explain why many Americans still feel financially stretched even though inflation has moderated considerably.

Tax Policy and Disposable Income

Inflation is only one component of affordability.

Take-home pay also matters.

The recently enacted One Big Beautiful Bill Act introduced several temporary federal tax deductions, including provisions related to qualified overtime, reported tips, and interest paid on eligible new U.S.-assembled vehicles.

For many hourly workers and service employees who qualify, these deductions may increase disposable income and partially offset higher living costs.

The precise benefit depends upon each taxpayer's income, employment circumstances, and eligibility.

 What These Numbers Do and Do Not Prove

Economic outcomes are influenced by far more than presidential policy alone.

Inflation reflects numerous factors, including Federal Reserve monetary policy, global energy markets, supply-chain disruptions, wars, productivity, consumer demand, fiscal policy, and international events.

Therefore, these comparisons should not be interpreted as proving that every economic outcome resulted solely from one administration's decisions.

However, they do provide voters with a consistent, objective framework for comparing the economic environment experienced under different administrations using the same official measures.

Bottom Line for Voters

Based on the official Bureau of Labor Statistics data available today, several conclusions emerge.

The average annual inflation rate has been lower during Donald Trump's second term to date than during Joe Biden's full four-year administration.

Average wage growth has slightly exceeded inflation during the current period, whereas inflation slightly outpaced wage growth over Biden's full term.

Many major household expenses, including groceries, housing, vehicle prices, and auto insurance, have also experienced slower rates of increase relative to wages than during the previous administration, although some categories, such as electricity and apparel, continue to face upward pressures.

The substantial price increases that occurred between 2021 and 2023 continue to affect household budgets because lower inflation slows future increases rather than reversing previous ones.

Nevertheless, using the official measures of inflation, wage growth, and purchasing power available today, the economic data indicate that household affordability has performed more favourably during Donald Trump's second term to date than during Joe Biden's full administration.

Financing Costs, Price Levels, and Why Many Families Still Feel Financial Pressure

Although the pace of inflation has slowed, two important realities continue to affect household budgets: financing costs and the higher overall price level left by the inflation surge of 2021–2023.

First, borrowing remains expensive. As of mid-2026, the average 30-year fixed mortgage rate remains around 6.5% to 6.7%, while many credit cards continue to carry interest rates exceeding 20%. Consequently, even when home or vehicle prices stabilize, monthly payments remain substantially higher than they would have been when mortgage rates were near 3% in 2021. Financing costs therefore remain a significant burden for many families.

Second, inflation measures the rate at which prices increase—not the level of prices. A slower inflation rate does not reverse earlier price increases; it simply means prices are rising more slowly.

Using the Consumer Price Index, a basket of goods and services that cost approximately $100 when President Biden took office in January 2021 now costs roughly $122. Most of that increase occurred during 2021 through 2024. Since January 2025, prices have risen by approximately another $5.

Recent federal tax changes may provide some relief for eligible workers. Temporary deductions for qualified overtime premiums, reported tips, and interest paid on qualifying U.S.-assembled vehicle loans increase disposable income for many middle-income households, although the benefits gradually phase out at higher income levels.

Meanwhile, real average hourly earnings have remained broadly stable over the past year, while unemployment has remained relatively low at approximately 4.2%.

Taken together, these facts help explain why two seemingly contradictory observations can both be true.

The annual pace of inflation has moderated, and affordability has improved relative to the previous four years according to official inflation and wage measures.

At the same time, many families continue to feel financially stretched because they are living with the cumulative effects of earlier price increases, elevated borrowing costs, and housing expenses that remain historically high.

Understanding both realities is essential to understanding the true state of affordability.

Restoring Accountability

Affordability should never be reduced to a campaign slogan, a selective headline, or a single monthly statistic chosen to support a political narrative.

Voters deserve comparisons based on the same measurements, over clearly defined periods, using official and publicly available data. That means distinguishing between the rate of inflation and the overall price level, comparing wage growth with the rising cost of living, and acknowledging both improvements and continuing pressures.

No president controls every economic force. Interest rates, wars, energy markets, supply chains, Federal Reserve decisions, productivity, taxation, and government spending all influence household finances. Political leaders must nevertheless remain accountable for the policies they adopt, the conditions over which they exercise influence, and the results experienced by citizens.

Accountability also requires intellectual honesty from the media, economists, political parties, and voters themselves. Facts should not become credible only when they favour one side, nor be dismissed merely because they favour the other.

The evidence available to date does not show that every affordability problem has disappeared. Prices remain high, housing remains difficult for millions of families, and several essential costs continue to rise faster than wages.

But the same evidence does show that inflation has increased at a slower average annual rate during Donald Trump’s second term to date than during Joe Biden’s full administration, while wage growth has performed somewhat more favourably relative to inflation.

That conclusion should not be exaggerated.

Nor should it be concealed.

In a responsible democracy, citizens should judge governments neither by personality nor partisan loyalty, but by measurable results.

Affordability begins with household purchasing power.

Accountability begins with telling voters the truth about it.